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COVID-19 is a disease with no proven pharmaceutical intervention and no proven vaccine. In such circumstances, prevention is all we have. The role of handwashing in the prevention of communicable diseases has been known for over a century, yet it remains severely neglected as a public health investment, to be periodically re-discovered during pandemic-scale infections. Over 26% of the global population has no access to a handwashing station in the home; for many low-income countries this proportion rises to over 50%. In other instances, the water is unaffordable or the supply has been shut off on account of unpaid bills. But when there is no water in the home or yard, or no mechanism for delivering enough water, good hand-washing is extremely difficult. Well before COVID-19, global cost-benefit analyses of water and sanitation investments, with benefits measured in time-savings as well as health, showed significant net benefits in all sub-regions of the developing world. This Viewpoint paper argues that, in the current crisis and its aftermath, it is imperative for governments and donors to prioritize and generously fund affordable, reliable, and accessible water services in underserved regions of the world. More than ever before, this is a foundational investment for health, dignity and development.Developing countries are highly vulnerable to the COVID-19 pandemic, in part due to the lack of international support for ensuring progress towards the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Yet the mounting financial burden faced by all countries means that additional support is unlikely to be forthcoming in the near future. It is critical that developing countries find innovative policy mechanisms to achieve sustainability and development aims in a cost-effective manner. This requires identifying affordable policies that can yield immediate progress towards several SDGs together and aligns economic incentives for longer term sustainable development. We identify three policies that meet these criteria a fossil fuel subsidy swap to fund clean energy investments and dissemination of renewable energy in rural areas; reallocating irrigation subsidies to improve water supply, sanitation and wastewater infrastructure; and a tropical carbon tax, which is a levy on fossil fuels that funds natural climate solutions. Such innovative and cost-effective policy mechanisms do not require substantial external support, and they foster greater progress towards achieving the SDGs in poorer economies.This note presents three important facts on the COVID-19 pandemic and 22 developing countries, namely those in the Pacific. First, social protection systems are less common in the Pacific than in the rest of the world, meaning the region is not particularly well equipped to deal with the sharp decline in economic activity associated with the disease and standard policy responses (e.g., lockdowns) without plunging a large share of the population into poverty. Second, aggressive travel restrictions and effective domestic policy responses have spared many Pacific countries from the worst impacts of COVID-19. Ten countries have not had a single confirmed case. The experience of the region thus offers helpful lessons for other developing countries in keeping the crisis at bay. Third, the relative success of Australia and New Zealand in managing the virus provides an opportunity to pilot and test in the region what a carefully managed pathway to allow the tourism, migration, and remittances, that many countries depend on, to begin flowing again. Against its relative success, the Pacific has a unique opportunity to show the world how to safely emerge from the current crisis and address underlying vulnerabilities before the next one.In the decade since the 2008 global food crisis, West African countries have made efforts to raise domestic rice production and to make the region self-sufficient. Today, West Africa produces nearly two-thirds of Africa's rice. The region's rice import dependency has fallen from nearly half of local consumption in 2010 to about 30%. In spite of this improvement, the region remains the world's second largest rice importer. The situation of Benin, Burkina Fasso, Gambia and Niger remains challenging with rice import dependency still exceeding 70%. Production in some countries has fallen even below the 2010 level due to civil strife, climatic changes and macroeconomic difficulties. Countries of the region, on average, allocate less than 5% of their budget to agriculture, less than half the share committed in the Maputo Agreement. The Covid-19 outbreak and corresponding preventive lockdowns have posed a new challenge as food supply chains were stretched; production, transportation and consumption fell sharply; and household income was affected. In addition, closure of frontiers and temporary trade disruption in major Asian rice exporters has led to increase in rice prices in the international market. In late April, rice futures rose to reach a level not surpassed since 2011. This threatens to further aggravate an already fragile food security situation in the region. The crisis again points to the need for greater efforts at the national and international level to achieve food security. West African countries will need to enhance public spending on agriculture with a greater focus on measures aimed at improving rice productivity.The COVID-19 outbreak has infected millions of people across the world, caused hundreds of thousands of deaths, and collapsed national economies. Recognizing the importance of handwashing in preventing the spread of COVID-19, concerns have arisen about the condition of millions of Africans who lack access to hygiene facilities and clean water services. This paper compiles evidence from the WHO-UNICEF data to show the health disparities that limit the capacity of African countries to effectively address the COVID-19 disease along with recommendations for addressing the challenge.Emerging evidence supports the intuitive link between chronic health conditions associated with air pollution and the vulnerability of individuals and communities to COVID-19. Poor air quality already imposes a highly significant public health burden in Northwest India, with pollution levels spiking to hazardous levels in November and early December when rice crop residues are burned. The urgency of curtailing the COVID-19 pandemic and mitigating a potential resurgence later in the year provides even more justification for accelerating efforts to dramatically reduce open agricultural burning in India.In this article I argue that while the COVID-19 outbreak is at its early stages in the Gaza Strip, the Palestinian coastal enclave is particularly vulnerable to its effects - not least due to the multiplicity of existing development challenges that have resulted from an ongoing Israeli and Egyptian-imposed blockade. With the economy at a standstill, the Palestinian governing authority has limited financial resources to (re)build key sanitation, hygiene, waste treatment and water supply infrastructure. These (infrastructural) inadequacies, while already a public health concern before the onset of the pandemic, now renders Gaza particularly vulnerable to the spread of viruses and diseases. Additionally, the limited movement of goods because of the siege has led to an acute shortage of medical supplies and equipment that are essential for combating a pandemic. Nonetheless, the COVID-19 outbreak is also "unique" in that it presents Gaza with a crisis that has little to do with the hostilities that define the politics of Israel-Palestine. Yet, the potential of a widespread outbreak also lays bare to the development challenges that Gaza faces as a result of the conflict. This, I conclude, provides an opportunity for the donor community to, under pretext of combating the pandemic, remedy some of the consequences of the conflict and siege without having to contend with the (political) stigma of doing so.The COVID-19 pandemic is increasing the need for international food assistance, and disrupting the supply and delivery of food assistance. A series of unprecedented shocks is straining the capacity of food assistance organizations to reach vulnerable populations. We discuss how the COVID-19 pandemic is affecting the demand and the supply of international food assistance, and we propose three policy changes that can keep food flowing to those in need. First, donor countries can prioritize humanitarian spending in aid-allocation decisions. Second, governments can exempt food assistance from trade barriers that impede procurement (export restrictions) and delivery (import tariffs). Third, donor countries can allow flexibility for implementing agencies by untying food assistance from domestic procurement and shipping restrictions. All of these proposals are regulatory changes that can be made without requiring increased spending. These options are particularly relevant now because donor-country governments are entering economic recessions, and foreign aid budgets will be constrained.South Korea's response is considered by many as one the most effective models against COVID-19. The average number of new cases per day fell to 6.4 in the first week of May and currently 90% of all confirmed cases have fully recovered after a massive outbreak in February 29. First, South Korea has flattened the curve of COVID-19 by combining testing, early isolation, and free treatment of positive cases combined with digital technologies without taking to "lockdown" measures. Second, South Korea has been holding press briefings twice a day and disclosed all information on COVID-19 to the public in an open and transparent manner. Third, South Korea has worked to secure the civic participation and voluntary engagement of citizens and businesses. The South Korean approach to COVID-19 may be difficult to emulate even for countries like the U.S. and U.K., but provides important policy implications for developing countries and needs for strengthening three core competencies against the outbreak of an epidemic digital technology, efficient health governance, and civic partnership. It is a great challenge for developing countries to fight alone against COVID-19. As such, the international community should work to strengthen these core competencies accordingly.The globalized world economy has been affected by the COVID-19 pandemic since early February 2020. In the midst of this global public health crisis, a prompt review of the counterinsurgencies that have occurred in different jurisdictions is helpful. [https://www.selleckchem.com/products/mk-8353-sch900353.html click here] This article examines the experience of Hong Kong (HKSAR), which successfully limited its number of confirmed cases to approximately 1100 until early June 2020. Considering the limited actions that the government has taken against the pandemic, we emphasize the prominent role of Hong Kong's civil society through highlighting the strong and spontaneous mobilization of its local communities originating from their experiences during the SARS outbreak in 2003 and the social unrest in 2019, as well as their doubts regarding the pandemic assessments and recommendations of the HKSAR and WHO authorities. This article suggests that the influence of civil society should not be overlooked in the context of pandemic management.